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Introduction:
Someone it appears did not tell the bureaucrats in the Poverty Reduction
Strategy Moni-toring Unit housed in the eclectic, multi- functional Office
of the President that this weekend the ruling Peoples' Progressive Party
would be holding its pre-elections Congress in Essequibo. Why else would
those bureaucrats have planned to hold a review of the PRS Progress Report
on Friday, July 29, only to be forced to re-schedule it to Wednesday, August
3. In contrast with the theme of poverty reduction and to ensure that the
poor feel at home, the event is being held at Guyana's most expensive venue,
Le Meridien Pegasus.
In contrast as well to the principles of accountability and good
governance - a focus of the strategy - the monitoring unit has not had much
of a profile in the media, explaining and discussing the progress report and
answering concerns and criticisms of the unit's performance.
What is worse, however, is that the several NGOs and individuals who from
time to time have been involved with the Poverty Reduction Strategy have all
confessed that they no longer have confidence or interest in a process that
is now largely farcical and practically useless to civil society. Initially,
the Poverty Reduction Strategy and the attendant delivery process was
conceived as participatory and consultative, but everyone, including those
who finance the Strategy grumbles about the incompetence, ineffectiveness
and lack of inclusiveness which is now its hallmark. Hopefully, despite the
last-minute postponement, Guyanese civil society from Regions One to Ten
will find the time and the money to come to Georgetown in the middle day of
the week to participate in the review. How insensitive that civil society
must interrupt their work week so that the bureaucrats do not have to give
up a few hours of their weekend! Do those bureaucrats know what it means to
be poor?
Do not come:
Apart from the surreptitious and bungling manner in which the review has
been advertised - it does not say that the public is invited - the
parliamentary opposition has also not been notified and it is doubtful that
the ruling party has either. Surely there is an advertising component to the
unit but it appears unable to exceed the effectiveness of the whole. The
public is clueless about the format of the review which hardly helps them to
prepare any contribution or intervention they might wish to make. The few
civil society persons to whom I have spoken are cynical about the objectives
of the review and whether the unit is really committed to meaningful
consultation. In fact I have been told that the strategy of the
consultations is to limit the opportunities of 'troublemakers' who raise
difficult questions and uncomfortable issues. It would be nice if the
organisers had their work cut out at Wednesday's review.
Did not go:
Guyana was one of two Caribbean countries invited to attend a World Bank
meeting in the Dominican Republic on Voice and Accountability in Transfer
Programmes through which cash transfers contribute to poverty alleviation in
communities. The otherwise ubiquitous Dr Roger Luncheon, the political head
of Guyana's Poverty Reduction Strategy was too busy with Cabinet and GDF
issues and did not attend, but Ms Danuta Radzik of Red Thread (the Women's
Group) did. In a paper she presented on her return, Ms Radzik related the
several initiatives taken by countries in the region to deal with their
poverty problems. The experiences recounted and the initiatives taken across
the region offer wonderful lessons for Guyana, but are we interested in
learning?
It is worth reminding the public and indeed the authors of the 2005
Progress Report that the PRS is linked to the publication of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDG) adopted under the United Nations Millennium
Declaration. The MDG represents a bold step to recognise the right of every
human being in every continent to a decent life. The MDG are global targets
for poverty reduction, social development and environmental regeneration and
comprise seven substantive goals supported by an eighth goal dealing with
international partnerships that will facilitate the achievement of the
seven.
Learn does not harm:
And it is particularly in this context that Ms Radzik's recounted case
studies and paper would be so useful. Here are a few examples of the
initiatives taken from the region and internationally that are so relevant
to Guyana.
Brazil: The Community-Driven Development is designed to empower rural
communities to prepare, execute, operate and maintain their own investments
and projects in communities. It achieves this by decentralising
decision-making, transferring funds from central government to the
communities, implementing approved community projects, encouraging the
active involvement of civil society, practising transparency and
accountability at the community level and using simple, explicit and
verifiable poverty-targeting mechanisms.
This model along with the participatory budgeting process in Porto Alegre
has been adapted to countries across continents including Bolivia, Ghana,
Guatemala, India, Malawi and Sri Lanka.
Ecuador: The application of Citizen Report Cards. These are surveys in
which people actively participate in monitoring and evaluating public
services and serve as a mechanism that helps the poor and powerless to make
the state accountable. The CRC was implemented by an independent NGO, with a
coordinating agency supported by the World Bank and financed by grants from
three countries channelled through the World Bank.
Peru: Here an independent analysis of the national budget is undertaken
and its findings distributed to the general public and civil society
organisations in a user-friendly format that allows for citizen
participation and oversight in the budgetary process.
Honduras: A major mechanism for poverty reduction was the promotion of
micro-enterprises including a roads maintenance programme involving fifty
such enterprises maintaining a huge percentage of that country's network of
roads.
India: A wonderfully relevant experience in a country with which we share
a deep affinity. In Rajasthan and Mumbai Grass-Roots Anti-Corruption
Initiatives have been launched involving a method of independently auditing
government-spending practices which have exposed wastage and corruption, and
in Mumbai led to large-scale protests and the passage of a Right to
Information Act and the amendment of municipal legislation for "mandatory
legal procedures for the investigation of corruption..."
Political theatre:
These words which are included in a recent publication of Caritas
Internationalis Task Group on Debt Structural Adjustment are particularly
relevant to Guyana. We seem unwilling or unable to recognise that a poverty
reduction programme can only be as good as the extent to which it involves
and engages the principal beneficiaries. Unless new notions of rights and
responsibilities are conceived and implemented, the so-called PRSP will be
no more than a tragic-comedy of epic proportions, overpaid political actors
and a third-rate support cast of the technocrats barely able to read their
scripts while the rest of us are merely part of that huge, faceless, poor,
suffering mass of extras.
Economic Growth:
Despite substantial debt-relief matched only by further borrowings, the
economy has not in any single year achieved the 4% per annum growth rate
originally projected in the Poverty Reduction Strategy. This should have
been easily achievable by President Jagdeo and his team of technocrats given
that in the period 1992-1996, the economy grew at 7.4% per annum under
lesser economic savvy Presidents. Development needs growth, a fair and
balanced distribution of wealth and income, clear vision, good management,
competence, commitment and hard work. Evidence of these is hard to find in
the management of our economy and the efforts to address the depressing
poverty from which Guyanese are daily seeking an escape route.
Conclusion:
From all accounts, the PRSP has lost its way along with any public
support which it had when it was launched. Regrettably, instead of civil
society forcing it back to centre-stage, its representatives have lost
confidence and the will to struggle. For it to return there, government and
civil society need to make some new commitments with the chief role of the
far too dominant donor community being a mere facilitator.
Civil society has a major role and responsibility and all those who
masquerade, parade and travel as leaders of NGOs need to take their role and
responsibility to the poor and the voiceless more seriously. They themselves
need to become informed, engaged and active in local and rural communities
if they wish to be taken seriously by an increasingly aloof and
non-accountable government. NGOs must by now have realized that left on
their own, the politicians of all stripes have an agenda that is different
from that of the poor.
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