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CARICOM
Introduction
Caricom is the world’s smallest trading bloc with a
population of less than six million and a combined GDP of US$20Bn. It is
therefore most vulnerable to both domestic and regional shocks. It clearly
needs to deepen the integration movement if it is to narrow the gap with the
more developed countries and regions of the world and give hope to its
people that there is a future for them in the region. Yet forty-three years
after the formation of the Federation, progress is slow and we still hear
words like being at the crossroads.
The future for the region was well articulated by
Barbados Prime Minister Owen Arthur in his keynote address to the Annual
Miami Conference on the Caribbean and Latin America when he said that ‘our
best hope lies in the most effective integration of Caribbean economy; a
process that require the choice of the best niches for specialisation, the
forging of the correct relationship with global capital, production systems,
trading regimes and the multilateral financial institutions”. While he
agrees the necessity for the creation of the Caribbean Single market and
Economy, PM Owens does not consider that its achievement will by itself
resolve the economic problems of the Caribbean.
Earlier efforts at development in the Caribbean have not
been successful and leads to understandable doubts whether with each country
more pre-occupied with its domestic politics, future attempts will be any
more successful. The Caribbean Trade & Investment Report published by
the Caricom Secretariat on which this article is based, identifies several
initiatives which did not produce the expected results. These include the
Caricom Enterprise Regime, the Caricom Industrial Programming Scheme, the
Caricom Multilateral Clearing Facility and the joint agricultural and
marketing and production schemes.
These attempts which reflected then prevailing
conventional wisdom sought to erect barriers to protect regional businesses
and in the process distort what the economists would refer to as allocate efficiency. Countries in the region are now ceding often unwillingly their
development options to an increasingly powerful World Trade Organisation
which the more powerful countries and the multilateral financial
institutions employ to impose their will. Faced with the plethora of rules
national government and regional bodies are abandoning previously cherished
development options which conflict with the rules of the WTO.
The Caricom Report referred to earlier points out that
even as the Caribbean seeks to deepen and widen the regional integration
movement in its quest for survival, at the global level the forces of
liberalisation and deregulation seek to achieve universal allocative
efficiency. Inevitably this raises tensions between regionalism and
globalisation with absence of political clout and economic muscle putting
regional countries at a significant disadvantage. An unfortunate and
intractable problem which continues to challenge regional policy makers and
the Caricom Secretariat, the principal administrative organ of the
Community, is that notwithstanding their regional credentials, our political
leaders think country first and in the process undermine the regional
integration movement. As a result efforts to advance or defend regional
interests in the international fora are compromised.
The consequences of this domestic and often selfish focus
has been a further exacerbation of the vulnerability of our small economies
which during the nineties have shown erratic performance. It is interesting
that only Belize and the OECS countries have recorded positive real growth
for all the years while all the MDC’s have recorded negative growth in
some cases for three years. For the countries of Caricom to enjoy political
and social stability, their citizens must enjoy consistently improving
standards of living which can only come from consistently high rates of
growth and a fair distribution of the income and wealth of the countries.
The challenge is enormous and there has to be some doubt
as to whether our political leaders and indeed the countries share the
vision and possess the will, talent and resources to develop at rates which
will narrow the gap between these and the more developed countries. The
ordinary citizen has to be forgiven for thinking that our political leaders
have only a vague idea of where they wish to take us. For example, in Guyana
there is a view held by persons of influence that for Guyana we should be
thinking of a “continental destiny while maintaining our links with
Caricom”. Geography and more recent developments also seem to reduce the
commitment of The Bahamas, Jamaica and Belize to a Caricom Destiny even if
one was possible.
The Report calls for higher rates of domestic savings and
investments in both the private and public sectors and a greater degree of
entrepreneurial dynamism and a capacity for picking winners. Private
entrepreneurs will probably respond that the they are seldom consulted by
the politicians and regional bureaucrats and their views do not enter into
national and regional deliberations. To the extent that the low growth rates
in the Caricom countries permit any savings, the performance of the domestic
currency has not inspired any confidence among savers who have sought safe
havens in the offshore sector and Miami.
Monetary Union
As part of the decision to create the Caricom Single
Market & Economy (CSME) is the initiative to introduce the free movement
of capital as part of the proposed Monetary Union leading to a common
currency. There was once a view perhaps reinforced by the performance of the
Eastern Caribbean currency, that a monetary union and single currency leads
to exchange rate stability. The experiences of the Euro must have shattered
that feeling. Whether that will cause a rethink of the decision for a common
currency is at this stage uncertain but it is seems certain that a common
currency is nowhere on the radar.
According to the Caricom Report, certain convergence
criteria were established. These are that member countries would attain
three months import cover in foreign exchange over an agreed twelve month
period, a fifteen percent debt service ratio and exchange rate stability.
Under this latter requirement the exchange of the floating currencies of the
region must remain within a one and one half percent band for a continuous
period of thirty-six months. While Barbados and to a lesser extent Trinidad
& Tobago have maintained remarkable exchange rate stability the
performance of Jamaica and Guyana have been disheartening and it is
difficult to see how and when these two economies will meet the convergence
criteria.
Conclusion
CARICOM countries are indeed at the crossroad but this
time the world is moving much faster and individually and as a region they
have to respond with greater will and vision. They have to adapt to the
increasingly harsh and complex rules of international trade and investment
which make little or no allowance for economies operating under any
disadvantages whether of size, history or accident.
The countries need to demonstrate their commitment to the region by
mutual support and trade and investment practices which foster regional
integration. Entrepreneurs need to become more informed of the benefits of
the regional movement and to avoid practices which strengthen one at the
expense of the other. The Caricom Secretariat needs to follow up this
excellent Report with more public information activities and encounters with
key stakeholders to promote noble objectives which have eluded the region
for a large part of the last century.
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